Quantcast
Channel: Indian Defence News
Viewing all 87767 articles
Browse latest View live
↧

How Nehru, Menon Conspired Against Army Chief Thimayya

August 6, 2016, 11:30 am
$
0
0
Lt General Kodendera Subayya Thimayya, Chief of the Army Staff was elevated to the substantive rank of a General. Nehru, Defence Minister VK Krishna Menon and Majithia Deputy Defence Minister are seen in this file photo with General Kodendera Subayya Thimayya at the function

The Indian army experienced its worst ever defeat during the Indo-China conflict of 1962. This excerpt from Shiv Kunal Verma’s thoroughly researched book shows how Nehru and Krishna Menon conspired to discredit General Thimayya, setting in motion a chain of events that contributed to India’s rout in the Himalayas.

The political manoeuvring by Gandhi in 1938 to sideline Subhas Chandra Bose in the presidential race of the Congress Party virtually handed Nehru the prime ministership of independent India. Bose was perhaps the only Indian political leader who understood the significance of armed power as an instrument of state policy while being aware of modern politics. With Bose’s exit and Sardar Patel’s death in 1950, there was no one who could provide the necessary inspiration for the reconstruction of an army (that had so far served British interests) into an integrated military instrument that could identify potential threats and tackle them militarily.

Nehru, unlike Bose and Patel, veered away from building military power. Although, when cornered, he was not averse to using it—as in the case of Kashmir in 1947-48 and then Goa in 1961—for the most part, he talked disarmament, non-alignment and Panchsheel. In a speech delivered at the Kerala Provisional Conference in 1928, Nehru had spelt out his international assessments: ‘No danger threatens India from any direction; and even if there is any danger we shall cope with it.’ No surprise then that when the first Commander-in-Chief of the Indian Army, General Sir Rob Lockhart, went to Nehru with a formal defence paper that needed a policy directive from the prime minister, Nehru had exclaimed: ‘Rubbish! Total rubbish! We don’t need a defence policy. Our policy is ahimsa (non-violence). We foresee no military threats. As far as I am concerned you can scrap the army—the police are good enough to meet our security needs.’ It’s a different matter that Nehru had to eat his words by the end of October 1947 itself when the tribal hordes invaded Kashmir.

Perhaps Nehru could not have reacted militarily when China invaded Tibet in 1950, but since then he had had more than ten years to prepare, from the time General Cariappa had warned him that the army did not have the capability to face the Chinese. Despite repeated warnings from the army and the various committees, Nehru did very little to address the shortcomings of the army.

…Nehru was never comfortable with the armed forces. …his political indoctrination had … instilled in him a desire to downgrade India’s officer cadre rather than tap their leadership potential and assimilate them into the machinery of government. This in turn created a vacuum in the decision-making chain, into which the civil servants stepped. …taking important military decisions that they were not equipped to handle. At a personal level, Nehru was not impressed with most of senior officers and found them shallow, posturing caricatures, generally aping the British in their mannerisms and who had taken no interest in the freedom movement.

To make matters worse, Nehru, along with other politicians, began to develop a deep-seated paranoia about the army. Many other countries that had become independent after World War II fell prey to military coups (the most pertinent example being Pakistan)….

As he drove from South Block to Teen Murti, Thimayya was acutely aware of the prime minister’s deep distrust of the military. Even before he took over from General S. M. Shrinagesh, Thimayya had made no bones about the fact that he was deeply distressed by the continuous neglect of the army. Publicly Nehru was seen to be fond of Timmy; however, behind his back, the prime minister adopted tactics that clearly indicated that he viewed Thimayya as a rival who could challenge his position as the undisputed head of the Indian Union. Given the general’s track record in World War II—Thimayya had been the first and only Indian officer to command a fighting brigade in the Arakan where he had been awarded the Distinguished Service Order (DSO)—and the role played by him in the Jammu and Kashmir Operations, Nehru knew he could not browbeat him.

Timmy was universally respected. …The announcement of his impending appointment had led to an editorial comment in the Times of India: ‘A thrill has just passed through the Army. The signal has gone out that Timmy is on.’ In the meantime, just twenty days before Thimayya took charge of the army, Nehru had replaced the defence minister, Kailash Nath Katju, with Vengalil Krishnan Krishna Menon.

Nehru was waiting for Thimayya and for the first time, the normally reticent Timmy exchanged angry words with the prime minister. He told Nehru that his arbitrary decision of making NEFA (North East Frontier Agency now called Arunachal Pradesh) the responsibility of the army, made public in Parliament, was preposterous and completely against Indian interests. Thimayya felt that Nehru had completely compromised the army.

Without providing the additional resources required, handing over the borders to the army was a meaningless gesture; this would allow the Chinese the opportunity to claim that the Indians were the aggressors, for they always went to great pains to describe their own troops as border guards. Thimayya asked Nehru to find a way out of the mess in the next couple of weeks...

Nehru and Krishna Menon knew that the prime minister was in serious trouble. He had got away with the admission in Parliament earlier in the day only because the triple whammy—ongoing clashes on the border, the construction of National Highway G219 across the Aksai Chin and the Khenzemane and Longju incidents—had come as a shock to the members of the House. …Thimayya wanted Nehru to undo the mistake; but should the prime minister formally withdraw his statement about deploying the army and revert to the previous arrangement, he would be committing political hara-kiri. The threat of Thimayya taking over the reins of government, at least in Nehru’s mind, was very real.

Politics is full of subterfuge, and survival… Not only did the Nehru-Menon team now have to survive, they had to neutralize Thimayya. Three days later, Krishna Menon sent for Thimayya in ‘a highly excited state of mind’ and vented his anger at the chief for having approached the prime minister directly, suggesting instead that the matter should have been resolved at his level. Threatening Thimayya of ‘possible political repercussions if the matter became public’ Krishna Menon ended the meeting. A seething Thimayya… promptly sent in his resignation letter.

The letter, which was received by Teen Murti on the afternoon of 31 August, was put up to Nehru who promptly sent for Thimayya in the afternoon. … After a long conversation in which the prime minister persuaded the army chief to withdraw his resignation letter in the larger interest of the nation, especially since the problem with the Chinese had flared up, the matter of the resignation was deemed closed.

However, after Thimayya’s departure, news of his resignation was deliberately leaked to the media while the subsequent rescinding of the letter was held back. … Thimayya resignation made banner headlines the next morning. …

On 2 September 1959, the prime minister once again rose in Parliament to make a statement. He told the Lok Sabha that he had persuaded the chief to withdraw his resignation. He then went on to speak about the supremacy of the civilian authority over the military and then, had surprisingly, proceeded to castigate Thimayya, saying the issues that led to his resignation were ‘rather trivial and of no consequence’, and that they arose ‘from temperamental differences’. He then chided the chief and reproached him for ‘wanting to quit in the midst of the Sino-Indian border crisis’.

Even today, the contents of Thimayya’s resignation letter remain a highly guarded secret. Instead, vague stories about Thimayya’s resignation were routinely floated where it was said that Timmy had resigned out of pique because of the manner in which Krishna Menon treated him. On careful scrutiny, that doesn’t hold water.

The much adored prime minister, who could do no wrong in the eyes of the public, had betrayed General Thimayya. Trapped in this bad situation, the chief had no option but to quietly endure the humiliation and get on with the job of trying to prepare the army to face the Chinese…

The prime minister’s attitude towards Thimayya was damaging to the chief as well as the army. … General Thimayya was… a seasoned, disciplined soldier who would hardly have made issues over trifles. … After the resignation drama Thimayya was seen as an alarmist and a defeatist. Having thus weakened the office of the army chief, the prime minister now placed his hope in …Lieutenant General B. M. ‘Bijji’ Kaul whose star was on the rise.

Nehru, unlike Bose and Patel, veered away from building military power. Although, when cornered, he was not averse to using it — as in the case of Kashmir in 1947-48 and then Goa in 1961 — for the most part, he talked disarmament, non-alignment and Panchsheel... when the first Commander-in-Chief of the Indian Army, General Sir Rob Lockhart, went to Nehru with a formal defence paper that needed a policy directive from the prime minister, Nehru had exclaimed: ‘Rubbish! Total rubbish! We don’t need a defence policy. Our policy is ahimsa (non-violence). We foresee no military threats. As far as I am concerned you can scrap the army — the police are good enough to meet our security needs.’ ...Nehru had to eat his words by the end of October 1947 itself when the tribal hordes invaded Kashmir.

Perhaps Nehru could not have reacted militarily when China invaded Tibet in 1950, but since then he had had more than ten years to prepare... Despite repeated warnings... Nehru did very little to address the shortcomings of the army… Nehru was never comfortable with the armed forces… his political indoctrination had… instilled in him a desire to downgrade India’s officer cadre rather than tap their leadership potential... To make matters worse, Nehru... began to develop a deep-seated paranoia about the army. Many other countries that had become independent after World War II fell prey to military coups (the most pertinent example being Pakistan)…

As he drove from South Block to Teen Murti, Thimayya was acutely aware of the prime minister’s deep distrust of the military... Publicly Nehru was seen to be fond of Timmy; however, behind his back, the prime minister adopted tactics that clearly indicated that he viewed Thimayya as a rival who could challenge his position as the undisputed head of the Indian Union. Given the general’s track record in World War II — Thimayya had been the first and only Indian officer to command a fighting brigade in the Arakan where he had been awarded the Distinguished Service Order (DSO) — and the role played by him in the Jammu and Kashmir Operations, Nehru knew he could not browbeat him.

...Nehru was waiting for Thimayya and for the first time, the normally reticent Timmy exchanged angry words with the prime minister. He told Nehru that his arbitrary decision of making NEFA (North East Frontier Agency now called Arunachal Pradesh) the responsibility of the army, made public in Parliament, was... completely against Indian interests... Without providing the additional resources required, handing over the borders to the army was a meaningless gesture; this would allow the Chinese the opportunity to claim that the Indians were the aggressors... Thimayya asked Nehru to find a way out of the mess...

Nehru and Krishna Menon knew that the prime minister was in serious trouble. He had got away with the admission in Parliament earlier in the day only because the triple whammy — ongoing clashes on the border, the construction of National Highway G219 across the Aksai Chin and the Khenzemane and Longju incidents — had come as a shock to the members of the House… Thimayya wanted Nehru to undo the mistake; but should the prime minister formally withdraw his statement about deploying the army... he would be committing political hara-kiri. The threat of Thimayya taking over the reins of government, at least in Nehru’s mind, was very real. Politics is full of subterfuge, and survival… Not only did the Nehru-Menon team now have to survive, they had to neutralize Thimayya. Three days later, Krishna Menon sent for Thimayya in ‘a highly excited state of mind’ and vented his anger at the chief for having approached the prime minister directly, suggesting instead that the matter should have been resolved at his level. Threatening Thimayya of ‘possible political repercussions if the matter became public’ Krishna Menon ended the meeting. A seething Thimayya… promptly sent in his resignation letter.

The letter, which was received by Teen Murti on the afternoon of 31 August, was put up to Nehru who promptly sent for Thimayya in the afternoon… After a long conversation in which the prime minister persuaded the army chief to withdraw his resignation letter... the matter of the resignation was deemed closed.

However, after Thimayya’s departure, news of his resignation was deliberately leaked to the media while the subsequent rescinding of the letter was held back… On 2 September 1959, the prime minister once again rose in Parliament to make a statement. He told the Lok Sabha that he had persuaded the chief to withdraw his resignation. He then went on to speak about the supremacy of the civilian authority over the military and... to castigate Thimayya... He... reproached him for ‘wanting to quit in the midst of the Sino-Indian border crisis’.

... The much adored prime minister, who could do no wrong in the eyes of the public, had betrayed General Thimayya. Trapped in this bad situation, the chief had no option but to quietly endure the humiliation and get on with the job of trying to prepare the army to face the Chinese… The prime minister’s attitude towards Thimayya was damaging to the chief as well as the army. … General Thimayya was… a seasoned, disciplined soldier who would hardly have made issues over trifles… Having thus weakened the office of the army chief, the prime minister now placed his hope in… Lieutenant General BM ‘Bijji’ Kaul whose star was on the rise.


↧
Search

Russia's Lethal PAK-FA Stealth Fighter vs. America's F-22 Raptor: Who Wins?

August 6, 2016, 11:30 am
$
0
0


by Sébastien Roblin

Step right up, ladies and gentlemen! Entering the ring today are the two ultimate stealth fighters of the day, the F-22 Raptor and the PAK FA T-50. The former has already completed its production run (or has it?), the latter will soon begin hatching from its industrial nest (or will it?)

Today we’ll consider which would have the upper-hand at various engagement ranges—blows long and short, all are permitted! And just to keep the audiences on its toes, we’ll examine the battle in backwards order, like in that one Seinfeld episode.

Within Visual Range—Bringing Invisible Swordsmen To a Gunfight?

A F-22 Raptor of the US Air Force

Missile technology has long promised to make air combat about slinging missiles over distances well over 100 or even 200 kilometers. But if both aircraft use stealth technology, the range at which they can accurately target each other with radar-guided weapons is drastically shortened. Which in theory could bring back more close-range dogfights.

Let’s first acknowledge that the F-22 and T-50 share many excellent characteristics: both can supercruise (go supersonic without using afterburners) at over one and a half times the speed of sound—the Raptor faster than the PAK FA at Mach 1.8 compared to Mach 1.6. Both can operate at up to 65,000 feet high, higher than the new F-35 Lightning.

So who ends up on top if the two discrete aircraft end up neck and neck in a Within-Visual-Range (WVR) dance of death?

The F-22 Raptor is the most maneuverable fighter the U.S. has ever made. The PAK FA is even more maneuverable.

The PAK FA uses three-dimensional thrust-vector jets—its engine nozzles can literally tilt independently in any direction to assist it in executing maneuvers. The jets assist it in yaws as well as changing pitch, and permit very high angles of attack—that is, when the nose of the plane is pointed in a different direction than the vector of the plane.

The Raptor uses two-dimensional vector-thrust jets which can only go up and down in unison, affecting pitch only. This is still quite awesome—the Raptor is the only U.S. fighter that issupermaneuverable. But it’s not the equal of the PAK FA’s agility.

What does maneuverability let you do in fighter combat? It can help the plane dodge missiles (useful in any scenario) and position itself in advantageous firing position for WVR combat. However, the most extreme maneuvers also cost a lot of a plane’s energy—and U.S. doctrine has always favored remaining in a high-energy state, and the F-22 appears like it bleeds energy more slowly than its Russian counterpart.

On to weapons! Although the F-22 has a reduced heat signature, the bottom line is that in WVR combat, stealth fighters are still vulnerable to infrared guided missiles. Both aircraft can carry two.

For a long time, Russian aircraft had the advantage of superior short-range R-73 heat-seeking missiles that could be targeted via helmet-mounted sights: the pilot just had to look at an enemy plane to shoot at it. Importantly, the plane did not even have to be pointed at the target.

However, the United States finally deployed its own equivalent of the R-73, the AIM-9X, in 2004, and F-22s are finally planned to have the capability to use AIM-9Xs by 2017. Helmet-mounted sights should come in 2020.

By the time PAK FAs are in operational units, the two planes will have roughly equivalent short-range missile capabilities.

The Verdict: Slight edge to PAK FA. Both aircraft are highly capable dogfighters—but the PAK FA looks like it’s the more agile of the two.

Here’s the thing about WVR combat, though. You only get to do it if you survive the Beyond Visual Range (BVR) encounter first…

Beyond Visual Range—Keeping Your Butt Off the Radar


Let’s immediately address the elephant in the room (or rather, aerospace):

The F-22 is a very stealthy fighter believed to have a radar cross-section of just .0001 meters.

The PAK-FA is a stealthy fighter with a claimed cross-section as low as 0.1 meters…from the front.

The PAK-FA patent claims a maximum of cross-section of 1 meter… those cool three-dimensional thrust vector nozzles in the back have a way of calling attention to themselves.

This may not be a tremendous limitation if the PAK-FA fights defensive engagements in which its opponents are at the edge of their radar net.

However, it’s far less ideal for a penetrating deeply into hostile radar coverage. That may be of less concern for Russia—but it does mean that the PAK-FA will remain more detectable than the F-22 in a variety of situations.

In other BVR capabilities, the two designs are more evenly matched.

The F-22 and the PAK-FA both have Active Electronically Scanned Array radars—or rather, once the N036 Byelka AESA radar completes its development. AESA radars are stealthier, are more resistant to jamming, and boast higher fidelity. The F-22 and PAK FA will be able to detect each other as they close within fifty kilometers—though which one first is a subject of debate.

The T-50 does boast a modern Infra-Red Search and Track (IRST) system with a maximum fifty-kilometer detection range. The F-22 currently has none, though it is slated to receive one by 2020. However, the F-22’s engines nozzles are designed to reduce heat signature, diminishing detection range, while the PAK-FA’s engines are indiscrete. So, it’s less than obvious who will detect who first, given that the PAK FA may be radar observable within that range.

In any event, the IRST does not offer the means to target other aircraft, it merely gives an idea of their general position.

The T-50 also has its own L-Band radars in the wings which theoretically would be effective in determining the general position of stealth fighters. However, their range is fairly limited and they are not precise enough to lock on weapons. Unlike the IRST, they have the disadvantage of making the T-50 highly observable on radar when activated.

If U.S. Air Force exercises pitting Raptors against F-15s and F-16s are anything to go by, long-range missiles will ravage Fourth Generation fighters at distances at which they have little to no ability to detect and shoot back at stealth fighters. But when two stealth fighters clash, the maximum applicable range will be much shorter

Both planes carry deadly long-range radar-guided missiles of comparable effectiveness. Russia has its cutting-edge K-77M missiles with a reported range of two hundred kilometers and the United States has the AIM-120D Scorpion with a range of one hundred sixty. (The greater range of the K-77M may be an advantage, but not against a low-observable stealth fighter.) Superior ramjet-powered missiles, such as the Meteor and PL-15, are already being fielded, though it is not clear if either the F-22 or PAK FA will receive them.

The F-22 can carry six AIM-120s in its internal bays, whereas the PAK-FA is limited to four. This does give it a modest edge, as future aerial clashes are likely to involve a lot of missiles flying back and forth, and likely more than one will be launched to ensure a kill.

Many experts are skeptical that the PAK FA boasts fifth-generation avionics and networking technology used in the latest U.S. fighters. Intriguingly, networking with a sufficiently powerful low-band AESA radar, such as that on an E-2D AWACs plane, might allow radar-guided missiles to target stealth fighters! However, F-22 datalinks are also outdated and have only recently been slated for upgrade.

Operationally, F-22s will work in concert with an extensive network of supporting sensors and electronic warfare platforms, both at sea and in the air. There is even talk of using stealth fighters to cue potential targets to be hit by super long-range missiles launched from B-52 “arsenal planes.”

In contrast, Russian analysts insist that ground-based low-bandwidth radars and long-range surface-to-air missiles such as the S-400 are a sure solution against stealth fighters. These tie the T-50 to operate closer to ground-based positions, which may be acceptable given Russia’s security posture.

Verdict: Edge for F-22. History shows that the side that shoots first in vehicular combat usually wins, and the stealthier F-22 seems more likely to do so—though their capabilities may be more even in a head-on approach.

Industrial Performance

“What is this?” I hear you cry. “How dare I despoil the purity of this noble duel of falcons with vulgar commercial gossip?”

The reason is very simple. The PAK-FA will only prove a significant opponent to the F-22 if it is produced in meaningful numbers.

Which is to say: more than the twelve which are currently on order for delivery by 2020.

It’s not as if the F-22 is particularly numerous—at 178 operational aircraft, a somewhat slender-thread on which to rest the United States’ hopes for air superiority in the next twenty years.

However, because the PAK-FA and Raptor are close enough in capability, a small number of T-50s will not suffice to radically challenge the Raptor’s reign—or even the F-35’s.

So why has the PAK-FA order been so radically downsized? It’s because it’s proving extremely difficult to deliver on all the design specifications, particularly the engines. The development costs keep on mounting, while the Russian economy has been in a recession for the last few years, decreasing the appetite for such an expensive offering.

This leads to another important caveat regarding the T-50: many of its capabilities are planned-for rather than extant. The AESA radar is still undergoing testing. The current crop of PAK FAs is equipped AL-41F1 turbofans which are fuel inefficient and produce insufficient thrust, so the plan is to replace them with superior Izdeliye 30 turbofans once they finish development—which may take as long as 2027.

In short, the PAK FA is a work in progress, its final capabilities unclear. And it’s very expensive work, leaving large question marks on how many will actually be produced.

This leads to another major issue: India, an investor in the PAK FA program, is complaining quite publically about cost and quality issues in the program; quality-control failings such as misaligned fittings may potentially increase the PAK FA’s radar cross-section. Indian FGFAs would potentially be more sophisticated than the Russian versions—but if India withdraws its order for over hundred aircraft, that project may prove even more difficult to finance.

Nonetheless, Russia’s defense policies and economic fortunes may well change in the future and additional orders will likely be forthcoming one day as more of the stealth fighter’s systems are refined. It’s hard to imagine the project ending with just twelve produced after so much money was put into it.

For the time being, however, the evidence suggests that only a small quantity of PAK FAs will enter Russian service this decade—too few to alter the balance of air power in the near term.

Verdict: As the quote goes, “Quantity has a quality all of its own.”

Sébastien Roblin holds a Master’s Degree in Conflict Resolution from Georgetown University and served as a university instructor for the Peace Corps in China.

Source>>
↧
↧

Parrikar Restructures Bureaucracy In Defesce Ministry

August 6, 2016, 11:36 am
$
0
0
Defence Minister Parrikar Parrikar with PM Modi

by Ajit Kumar Dubey

Over the last few decades, the Indian Army has become the second-largest in the world and would continue to expand in next few years as India prepares itself for the two-front war against China.

The story is the same for the Indian Air Force, which is world's fourth largest with over 600 fighter jets and a modern fleet of transport planes, unmanned aerial vehicles and helicopters.

Though the size of the forces had expanded, their management in the defense ministry had remained under a single person, the joint secretary (Ground and Air), making it difficult for the officer to focus properly on both the forces.

Along with it, organizing the Republic Day and Independence Day celebrations, involving parade, dance and drama shows, added to the burden.

"With such important portfolios, not only the office but the officer, too, had become overburdened. The process and speed of decision-making had also become a casualty. This was happening to others as well," an officer sitting on the first floor of the South Block told THE WEEK.

The two services had also pointed out there was too much on their plate and that the officers were not able to give much time to their respective cases.

In the past, too, there were calls from services to rejig the structure in the ministry but an overhaul did not happen.

Keeping these considerations in mind and after deliberations with his key team members and ministry officials, Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar has carried out the much-awaited restructuring of the babudom in his ministry.

“Under this, we have upgraded a few posts and some new offices have been created to carry out smooth functioning of ministerial work, and responsibilities have been distributed evenly among officers keeping in mind the workload aspect,” Defense Minister Parrikar told THE WEEK.

On July 25, Parrikar issued an order, a copy of which is with the THE WEEK, curtailing the powers of the joint secretary (Ground and Air) by half, making him responsible only for the ground force (army) and taking away the air force.

The incumbent Jiwesh Nandan, a UP cadre IAS officer, will now manage only the army and will be known only as joint secretary (army). The charge of the air force has been given to Himachal Pradesh cadre officer Bharat Khera.

He was in the department of defence production. A well-reputed officer, Khera has been given the charge of the newly-created office of joint secretary (air), said a top South Block official.

With this redistribution, the officers can focus more on one particular force. Also, it would help in reducing the time taken by respective officers to learn the practices and procedures of respective services as they vary from one another.

For example, Nandan had never served in the defence ministry earlier and had to learn about both the army and the air force.

"With this move, the chances of hearing stories about a babu delaying a file related to buying snow jackets for soldiers in Siachen or helicopters not flying due to want of spares would be very less," a source close to Parrikar said.

As part of the revamping, Parrikar has also done away with 'irrational' work distribution amongst his officials. Earlier, some important divisions of the army were being looked after by the officer in-charge of the navy and vice versa.

"This irrationality has been done away with, as the joint secretary looking after the navy was also looking after the important arm of ordnance in the army."

Now, ordnance has been taken away from the incumbent Rabindra Panwar, an IAS officer of the Bihar cadre. He will look after only the navy, sources said. The charge of ordnance has now been given to the joint secretary (army).

As part of the distribution of work, Parrikar got the high-profile Indian Foreign Service officer, Shambhu Kumaran, into the office of joint secretary in charge of international cooperation. The specialist post had been occupied by IAS officers for the past 15 years.

At a time when India is holding several foreign cooperation projects, including exercises and joint drills, this move is of diplomatic help to the ministry.

The officer is also helping the government get foreign cooperation for the Make in India projects, which is the key focus area of the establishment.

Parrikar has also made changes to the level of additional secretaries. K. Suresh Kumar, a 1986 Jammu and Kashmir cadre officer, has been recently empanelled as additional secretary, which has helped in reducing the workload on the two existing officers in the ministry. Kumar has not only been retained in the defence ministry, his post has also been upgraded.

Ravikant, a 1984 Bihar cadre officer, must have heaved a sigh of relief as the responsibility of looking after the joint secretary in-charge of air force has been shifted to the other additional secretary, Jurugumilli R.K. Rao, an officer from Bihar cadre of 1985 batch.

After the restructuring, Ravikant would now be supervising the work of joint secretaries looking after the army, navy and international cooperation, while Rao would do the same for officers in-charge of air force and works.

Kumar would be looking after the all-important vigilance wing and the officers carrying out day-to-day work of the ministry, along with handling a large number of litigations and court cases involving the government.

The nomenclature of these officers has also been personalized. Their offices are now known by their initials like the office of additional secretary Ravikant is known as AS(R), while JKR Rao’s office is known as AS(J) and K. Suresh Kumar has been designated AS (K). Earlier, the two additional secretaries were known as AS Alpha and AS Bravo.

Next restructuring wave in acquisition wing

As per the ministry of defence’s latest order, the all-critical acquisition wing has been left untouched. The wing is responsible for all the new purchases of weapon systems for the armed forces, including important items like Rafale combat aircraft.

"The defence minister is considering the recommendations of the Dhirendra Singh Committee, which has recommended the creation of a new procurement wing with dedicated specialist officers to buy weaponry for each service. This, at the moment, is touted to be the next wave of restructuring in the functioning of the defence ministry," said an officer.

"Based on the recommendations of the committee, an expert group under former Director General (Acquisition) Vivek Rae has been formed which will help in streamlining the acquisition process and make it timely and responsive,” a defence ministry official explained.

The delays in procurement for armed forces have been a major source of embarrassment for the defense ministry. A new acquisition wing under an additional secretary-rank officer was created over a decade ago but in vain. The present DG (acquisition) Smitha Nagaraj was brought back to the Centre by the Prime Minister’s Office to hasten the procurement process.

Old timers in the defense ministry say that attempts were made to restructure the bureaucracy in time of defense ministry when Pranab Mukherjee and A.K. Antony were at the helm, but the plan could not succeed because of the officers themselves.

Parrikar, however, has been able to make the changes and, hopefully, it will transform the defense ministry into a well-oiled machine.


↧

F-16s May Replace India's Obsolete Fleet as Rafale Deal Stalling

August 6, 2016, 11:37 am
$
0
0
USAF F-16 demonstration team pilot, Ryan Worrell from Iowa, walks past the F-16, a fighter aircraft, on display on the fourth day of the Aero India 2013 at Yelahanka air base in Bangalore

Indian Air Force may replace the Soviet MiG-21 aircraft with the US F-16 Fighting Falcon aircraft, according to an ex-wing commander at the Indian Air Force and former chief spokesperson for the Defense Ministry.

NEW DELHI— Localized production of the US F-16 Fighting Falcon aircraft may help India substitute its obsolete fleet largely depending on the Soviet MiG-21 fighters as the long-awaited deal on the Rafale fighter jets between Paris and New Delhi is stalling, Praful Bakshi, an ex-wing commander at the Indian Air Force and former chief spokesperson for the Defense Ministry, told Sputnik on Saturday.

On Thursday, a vice president at the US defense contractor Lockheed Martin said that the company was willing to turn India into the sole producer of the F-16 aircraft by shutting the only active production line in Texas and shifting it to India.

"F-16 can be a nice replacement for the MiG-21 aircraft. Because when Rafale deal will materialize is not clear," he said.

Bakshi added that the technological transfer would be a crucial part of the deal.

"We have to see whether they are bringing their technology, we have to see that they should not make India just an assembly point. They must bring their technology here and fighter planes should be manufactured here. It will create employment opportunities here and foster our technological development," he pointed out.

In January 2016, India and France signed an intergovernmental agreement on the purchase of the 36 Rafale fighter jets. The French Dassault aviation manufacturer first asked almost $12 billion for the aircraft, while New Delhi demanded a 30-percent cut to the price. In May, Paris has agreed to decrease the pricing by some 7-8 percent, thus the France’s current offer stands at some $8.6 billion.


↧

Sushma Swaraj Asks High Commissioner In Pak To Seek Consular Access To Indian Prisoner

August 6, 2016, 11:41 am
$
0
0

External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj has directed the Indian High Commissioner in Pakistan to seek consular access to an Indian prisoner who was attacked at least thrice by inmates in a Peshawar jail. Hamid Nehal Ansari, a Mumbai resident arrested in 2012 for illegally entering Pakistan from Afghanistan reportedly to meet a girl he had befriended online, suffered injuries after he was attacked by inmates in the Peshawar Central Prison.

“I am very much disturbed to read about repeated attacks on Hamid Ansari who is detained in Peshawar jail since 2012. It is inhuman. I have asked our High Commissioner in Pakistan to seek Consular access to Hamid Ansari in hospital/Jail and report,” Swaraj tweeted.

31-year-old Ansari was sentenced to three years imprisonment by a military court for possessing a fake Pakistani identity card. Ansari’s lawyer lawyer Qazi Mohammad Anwar told Peshawar High Court bench on Thursday that his client was attacked at least thrice by jail inmates in recent months.

Anwar also told the court that Ansari had been kept in a death cell with a hardened criminal awaiting execution for a murder. Ansari was attacked and injured three times over the last couple of months and shifted to the hospital for treatment, the counsel said. He said even the head warden would subject him to brutality and slap him on a daily basis without any reason.

Ansari had gone missing after he was taken into custody by intelligence agencies and local police in Kohat in 2012 and finally in reply to a habeas corpus petition filed by his mother, Fauzia Ansari, the High Court was informed on January 13 that he was in custody of the Pakistan Army and was being tried by a military court.


↧
↧

India To Lay Optic Fiber Communication Cables Along Border With China

August 6, 2016, 11:54 am
$
0
0

A Chinese soldier stands guard on the Chinese side of the ancient Nathu La border crossing between India and China


India's armed forces will be equipped with a new uninterrupted communication system in the difficult terrain of the Himalayas.

India is considering revamping its decades-old communication systems in areas along the border with China.

Defense Minister Manohar Parrikar said in India's Parliament that he was seriously considering the suggestion of equipping the roads near the Indo-China border with an optical fiber network.

India has identified 73 roads along the border as strategic Indo-China border roads; their total number's estimation is scheduled to be completed by 2020. Out of the 73 roads, 22 roads with an aggregate length of 707.74 km have already been equipped.

Rumel Dahiya, Deputy DG, Institute of Defense Studies and Analyses, says, "Communication is a big problem in higher altitude regions. If we want to make the communication foolproof, we have to go for optical fiber. Physical lines can very easily be dismantled or disconnected. As it is, they do not have much capacity to transmit large volumes of communication. Satellite communication is highly susceptible to various kinds of obstructions. Line of sight communication is not possible in the terrain along the Indo-China border. Communication between valleys is not possible as there are ridges in between. Therefore, optic fiber cables are not only important in strategic terms but equally important for civilian purpose."

Of late, there have been a number of reports on the growing dissent among people living in India's northern border regions, which is attributed to the region's slow progress in infrastructure development in comparison with the Chinese side, where the infrastructure build up is massive.

India hopes that by strengthening its communication facilities in those areas, such dissent will be negated.

Indians living along the mountainous frontier regions currently rely on satellite communication, which is highly susceptible to obstructions caused by bad weather conditions.


↧

Internationalizing Kashmir Again: Nawaz Sharif Calls Upon Global Medical Help For Pellet Victims In Valley

August 6, 2016, 12:43 pm
$
0
0

In yet another bid to highlight the Kashmir issue, Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif on Saturday vowed to provide medical help to those injured in violence there and called on the international community to ask India to provide access for treatment of victims. Two days after Home Minister Rajnath Singh at the SAARC meeting in Islamabad asked countries to stop glorifying terrorists as martyrs, Sharif described the Kashmir situation as an "ongoing humanitarian crisis".

"Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif has called upon the international community to immediately help arrange medical treatment for the victims" in Kashmir, especially for treatment of eye injuries resulting from use of pellet guns by the Indian forces, a Pakistan Foreign Office statement said. "The Prime Minister conveyed Pakistan's unequivocal support in arranging best available medical facilities to these injured people, anywhere in the world," it said.

Sharif also called upon the international community to exercise its influence over India for "ending bloodshed" in Kashmir and providing access for provision of treatment to the victims in the wake of the "ongoing humanitarian crisis".

"The humanitarian crisis, which is of huge magnitude, has compelled us to immediately pool our material and human resources for treating the victims of brutal state oppression," the statement quoted Sharif as saying. "Even more gruesome is that healthcare providers" in Kashmir have not been allowed to treat innocent victims, Sharif alleged. He claimed that "the Indian forces have also been targeting the hospitals and ambulances providing healthcare to the peaceful, defenceless and innocent protesters".

Sharif said that being blinded has severe consequences for the victims and their families. "Nevertheless, they are resolute; they are guided by the light of freedom for the realisation of their right to self-determination. The world should realise this," he said.

Pakistan shall continue to support them morally, politically and diplomatically, the Prime Minister said. Sharif's call came a day after his Advisor on Foreign Affairs Sartaj Aziz wrote a letter to Medecins Sans Frontieres (Doctors without Borders) to help Kashmiris. The latest statement by Sharif is yet another effort by Pakistan to highlight the issue of Kashmir at the international level.


↧

India Must Help China's Smaller Neighbors Thwart The Dragon's 'Might Is Right' Approach

August 6, 2016, 1:56 pm
$
0
0
Artistic visualization of a Chinese attack DF-21D anti-ship ballistic missiles

by Maj. Gen. (Retd) G D Bakshi

In the years preceding World War II, the major emerging powers (Germany, Japan, and Italy) had contemptuously started ignoring the League of Nations. They did as they pleased in their areas of interest and influence. The rule-based international order unravelled fast and World War II started in 1939. Is history repeating itself in the South China Sea (SCS)? In 2012, China forcibly occupied the Scarborough Shoal, just a few kilometres from the Philippines. In 2013, the Philippines invoked the Permanent Court of Arbitration, the international tribunal set up at Hague under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).

China is a signatory to the UNCLOS and has ratified the same. The international tribunal in its July 2016 verdict dismissed China’s historical claims to the SCS and held its Nine Dash line as illegal. It declared that the Chinese military occupation of the Scarborough Shoal and Spratly islands was illegal. China dismissed the verdict and questioned the jurisdiction of the tribunal to even hear the case. It adopted a belligerent stance to cow down its small neighbours. Chinese military expert Song Zhengping stated that China should prepare for a military conflict to deter its South Asian neighbours from suing it in the international tribunal and creating a domino effect. China’s crass bullying stood in sharp contrast to India, which accepted the verdict of the Hague tribunal when Bangladesh took its case regarding the disputed maritime borders to the forum. In fact, the US Assistant Secretary of State of Defence for East Asia, Abraham Denmark, commented that China should follow India’s example of peaceful settlement of maritime boundary.


It merits recounting that recently China had blocked India’s entry into the NSG because the former said it wanted to adhere to a rule-based approach that respected international treaty obligations. China’s behaviour after the Hague ruling makes a mockery of its “principled approach”. Post the verdict, the Chinese navy began holding live ammunition drill exercises in the SCS and threatened to impose an Air Identification Zone over it. A concerned US moved two aircraft carriers and several guided missile destroyers into the sea east of the Philippines as a precaution. So will conflict erupt in this region? Will it escalate dangerously to involve China and the US and other countries?

The Philippines is too weak to stand up to China. It’s navy has just two frigates and four corvettes. It has no surface-to-surface or surface-to-air missiles and lacks anti-submarine warfare capability. India has offered to provide frigates and may even sell the Brahmos missiles; it must do capacity building of these states. The Philippines is dependent on the US in case of conflict. The US Chief of Naval Operations, Admiral John Richardson, recently met PLA Navy Chief Admiral Wu Shengli, who said: “Chinese Navy had made sufficient preparations to deal with any sovereignty infringements or provocations. Any attempt to intimidate China by flexing military muscle will backfire.” The Chinese SCS (Nan Hai) fleet has been carrying out drills in the South China Sea and Air force H-6 bombers and fighters have been flying in the area. Apparently both sides have backed down for now. A conflict, however, would certainly erupt if China targets Vietnam—that is not a nation that can be easily cowed down.

The strategic stakes involved in the SCS region are high. The engine of the Chinese growth lies in its coastal cities and economic zones. These are vulnerable to cruise missiles and aircraft carriers operating off-shore. To protect its core power house, China has been desperately trying to provide depth to its coastal economic zones by reaching out to the first and second chain of islands. The attempt is to prevent enemy ships coming closer than 1,500-2,000 km from its coastline from where they can fire cruise missiles or launch fighter aircraft. Hence, the Chinese Navy’s switch from coastal defence to off-shore defence and now the quest to wage battle in the far seas.

The SCS has the world’s busiest shipping lanes. Almost 60 per cent of China’s energy and the bulk of its trade flows through it. The energy lifelines of Japan, South Korea, Singapore and the South East Asian nations also flow through this region. Then there is the prospect of oil and fisheries. The freedom of navigation in this high-density sea traffic zone is vital. By 2009, the Chinese had deployed 2,000-km range Dong Feng-21D missiles, which are designed to destroy US aircraft carrier battle groups. The Chinese navy appears confident that it can possibly deny the American navy access to the conflict zone by a combination of DF-21 aircraft carrier killer missiles, kilo submarine packs and Hong-6 bombers with cruise missiles. This capability is emboldening the Chinese. It has clearly adopted a ‘might is right’ approach. The key question is: will the world let the small South East Asian countries go down without a murmur?

The writer is a war veteran and strategic analyst


↧
Search

In A Rarity, Army Chief Lands In Karnataka Warriors’ Home

August 6, 2016, 2:30 pm
$
0
0

MADIKERI: Chief of Army Staff General Dalbir Singh Suhag on Saturday landed in Madikeri in Kodagu, the land that has given two Army chiefs to India, Field Marshal KM Cariappa and General KS Thimayya besides thousands of soldiers and officers, and doled out a series of sops to keep the region's interest in the armed forces.

Stating that Kodagu is a land of heroes, the chief named some of the veterans who served the army, he said: "I, in fact, had the honour of even meeting Cariappa, one of the only two field marshals in India multiple times in Bangalore."

Singh is one of the few chiefs to have visited Madikeri, making his visit special for the families whose members and children have served the nation. And, he did receive a roaring welcome from the veterans and war widows.

Pointing out that he has been laying a lot of emphasis on the welfare of ex-servicemen, Singh said: "Last year, we held 63 rallies above the command level for ex-servicemen, while it will touch 102 this year. Besides, we will have interactions at the local levels."

"While all the facilities we are ensuring for the veterans is on the one side, I've clearly ordered to all commands that respect is the most important thing for an ex-servicemen, and everyone of them will get it at all of our places," he added.

Until Singh took over the army did not have a specific day observed for the veterans, but Singh said: "We decided that January 14, the day the first commander-in-chief of our armed forces Field Marshal KM Cariappa retired from service. Coincidentally, it is also the day that the only other field marshal, Sam Manekshaw retired."

Earlier in the day, the chief paid his respect at the Field Marshal Cariappa Memorial and visited Sunny Side, the home of General Thimmayya. Singh said that the army will co-ordinate with the state government about the two acres of land that has to be returned for setting up of a proposed museum.

Further, he said that a proposal is already before the Centre for setting up of 10 regional veteran hospitals, which will be increased in phases. "Initially, four has been cleared and the other six in phase one will also be cleared soon," he said.

Expressing anger over empanelled hospitals overcharging the army, Singh said: "Last year, the bills were coming up to Rs 3 lakh and Rs 3.8 lakh from such hospitals and overall we've spent Rs 2.5 crore for bills. A 400-bed hospital can be constructed in Rs 4.5 crore. So we've decided to enhance our own network of hospitals."

Under the Army Group Insurance Fund, JCOs and soldiers had an insurance of Rs 25 lakh, which has now been enhanced to Rs 45 lakh, while offficersd who had an insurance of Rs 50 lakh will now get an insurance of Rs 75 lakh. Even veterans will get Rs 5 lakh (JCOs and soldiers) and Rs 10 lakh (officers).

Notwithstanding persistent rains nearly 5,000 people had gathered at the venue where Singh flagged off a rally of ex-servicemen after he had paid his respects to Cariappa at his memorial and visiting the field marshal's home to hand over a cheque.

Although the rally per se isn't unique, veterans and war widows told STOI that the fact that they could share their grievances directly with the chief was a great opportunity. The ex-servicemen community across the country has been complaining of being ignored and the army has been putting in place many systems and processes, including initiatives like these to address their issues.

The Army has also started ex-servicemen comprehensive health scheme (ECHS) taking medical facilities even to remote parts of the country.

The rally also focussed on multiple other issues of veterans not directly relating to the army, like legal problems they face or issues pertaining to their land et al. "The idea to is re-touch their lives and take care of them just the same way we did when they were in service," a senior officer said.

OROP Moves Steadily

The army chief, making a voluntary statement on the one rank one pension (OROP) that had garnered a lot of attention, said: "The arrears have now begun to be deposited. I have instructed that all war widows and those above the age of 80 will get arrears in one instalment. The others will get in a couple of instalments."

Further, a judicial commission set up to resolve some of the pending ambiguities of OROP will be visiting 20 locations across the country, with the first meeting scheduled in Chandigarh next week.

Certifying On-Job Skills

The Indian Army has signed an memorandum of understanding with the National Skill Development Corporation has been signed to provide certification for the on-the-job skills that soldiers have.

"Earlier, although they were well-trained men in many skills like signalling and so on, they could not use it after their retirement as there was no formal recognition. This certification will help our jawans to find jobs easily post retirement," Singh said. The army has identified 172 areas for such certification, which will help jawans and JCOs.

Tanks & Trophies For Kodagu

In line with the spirits of the hundreds of people gathered in Madikeri for the rally, the chief made a popular announcement promising three tanks, one each for the Field Marshal Cariappa Memorial, General Thimayya museum and the Sainik School.

While he said that the tanks may be replaced by BMPs if transportation of the former is found difficult given the terrain and the narrow roads, he promised that other war trophies will reach the Thimmayya museum.

Walking And Eating With Kripper

Army Chief General Dalbir Singh, while calling Kodagu a land of heroes and warriors, said: "I hope this land produces more and more chiefs of army and not stop with the two (Cariappa and Thimmayya)."

He said that he had the honour of meeting Cariappa (or Kripper as he was popularly known) when he was in Bengaluru. "...Once, we were climbing the stairs of Vidhana Soudha and I was right behind him to take care in case he slipped. He turned around and told me that 'son, even if I fall, you should not pick me up'."

Singh said that Cariappa was a man of conviction and that he has worked with several other officers like him from Kodagu.


↧
↧

Avoid Trumpification of India-Pak Dialogue

August 6, 2016, 2:45 pm
$
0
0
Congress Spokesperson Manish Tewari
by Manish Tewari

Despite the provocation from Pakistan during the 16 years since Kargil, New Delhi avoided any escalation as there are no quantifiable benchmarks to an acceleration of hostilities

India’s home minister went for a SAARC conference to Islamabad, where the Pakistanis received him in “great style”, with demonstrations led by the likes of Hizbul Mujahideen Chief Syed Salahuddin, and Jamaat-ud-Dawa boss Hafiz Saeed, who is also the reigning high priest of the proscribed terror outfit Lashkar-e-Tayyaba. This is perhaps the first time that Pakistan has permitted and patronised anti-India rallies in the heart of its capital during a multilateral conference.

Complementing the Pakistani belligerence has been the stream of rhetoric emanating from the Indian side, essentially underscoring the fact that there would be no bilateral engagement between India and Pakistan during the Islamabad visit. It then begs two obvious questions. First, why did the home minister travel to Islamabad? How did things come to such a pass so quickly once again in the undulant India-Pakistan tango?

South Asia is the world’s least integrated region, hostage to the zero-sum game between India and Pakistan. This non-relationship between the two also has a nuclear dimension for the past 18 years. If India and Pakistan are again talking at each other rather than trying to talk to each other, reiterating clichéd positions, then the Saarc ministerial meeting itself is a futile exercise.

The only plausible rationale for Rajnath Singh’s visit to Islamabad can then possibly be the misplaced machismo that “I can and have come to rant at you in your country”. This doesn’t at all augur well for the region.

In the recent, chequered history of the two nations, there have been innumerable flashpoints but has the situation been ever so bad in the absence of the high-voltage trigger that is intrinsic to such virtual conflagrations? No.

If one looks back over the past 16 years since the Kargil conflict, there were three high-profile sparks that could have unleashed a disastrous chain of events between the two countries. The hijacking of IC-814 from Kathmandu to Kandahar in December 1999, the attack on the Indian Parliament in December 2001 and Operation Parakram launched subsequently by the Indian Army and, of course, the 26/11-terror attack on Mumbai in November 2008. All these outrages bore the indelible stamp of Pakistan’s deep state and the ISI’s nexus with non-state actors.

But despite the grave and unwarranted provocation that were seen during the terms of Prime Ministers Atal Behari Vajpayee and Manmohan Singh, New Delhi avoided any escalation, much to the frustration of India’s inflamed public opinion, as there was an acute realisation in the government that there are no quantifiable benchmarks or predictable scenarios to an acceleration of hostilities. At which red line would the nuclear dimension come into play, and in an evolving confrontation were all red lines and thresholds not subject to continuous reappraisal?

The difference between then and now is that even in the absence of a “trigger”, both India and Pakistan seem hell-bent on a game of dangerous brinkmanship. Of course there has been a bout of violence in Kashmir that has claimed innocent lives and put the security forces under greater stress, but it isn’t the first time it has happened.

It’s a cycle that will keep repeating itself till the time the Indian State doesn’t look at options beyond the usual security solutions. At some point, and ignoring the jingoism unleashed by certain television channels, the Indian State must take a call on whether it simply wants to hold on to territory in Kashmir, or also keep the people on its side.

The essence of any counter-insurgency doctrine is to win over the hearts and minds of the people; for an insurgency can be isolated and brought to its knees only if it loses the oxygen of local partisan support. In Kashmir, we seem to have elevated alienation to a veritable fine art.

To return, meanwhile, to the India-Pakistan conundrum, why are Narendra Modi and Nawaz Sharif pressing the hate buttons so cynically? Is it because of electoral calculations? In Pakistan’s case, it doesn’t square up, as in its last national elections India was a non-issue. Also, to a large extent, Pakistan was not on the agenda during the 2014 general election in India.

If the idea is to once again tap into Partition’s faultlines to dredge up and tilt at windmills of the two-nation theory, then both establishments are playing with fire. If Mr Modi wants to subliminally play the “unreliability card” vis-à-vis India’s Muslims, it’s an extremely myopic and dangerous game of smoke and mirrors, one with grave implications. Mr Modi played this number in the 2002, 2007 and 2012 Gujarat polls with a different cast of characters each time, but with the same divisive message. But it’s a very dangerous play to risk as Prime Minister. The Trumpification of politics in the South Asian context is fraught with large pits that can lead to huge falls.

For Mr Sharif to try ride this tiger is akin to cruising for a bruising. There’s a huge constituency of fanatics in Pakistan, far more rabid and venomously anti-India than the Pakistan People’s Party and Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) could ever be. By starting down that track, that country’s mainstream political parties would squarely play into the hands of the fringe; and unlike in India there are no significant minorities to beat up in Pakistan and generate xenophobia for electoral purposes.

The somersaults, U-turns and flip-flops that characterised New Delhi’s approach towards Pakistan in the past 26 months could earlier have been put down to the new bunch in South Block being out of depth, that allowed the Pakistani deep state to run circles around them. However, with each passing day, the desire to push the envelope further and ratchet up tensions in a calibrated way points to a more sinister and ominous gameplan aimed at playing the Pakistani card for domestic purposes.

If Mr Modi believes he can sow this wind, he should be under no illusion that the resulting whirlwind would have catastrophic long-term consequences — both domestically and internationally. This is also true for Nawaz Sharif.

The writer is a lawyer and a former Union minister. The views expressed are personal. Twitter handle @manishtewari


↧

First Batch of Pipistrel Virus Arrive In India

August 6, 2016, 3:18 pm
$
0
0

Slovenian light aircraft manufacturer, Pipistrel delivered the first batch of two Virus SW 80 carbon-fibre microlight aircraft to India for pilot training.

The delivery is part of the 194 microlights ordered by Indian Defense Ministry to equip Indian Air Force, Navy and National Cadet Corps (NCC) in October 2015.

The semi-knocked down aircraft were delivered to Hindan Airbase, New Delhi in mid-July. The first assembled aircraft took-off on 19 July piloted by Capt Vijay Thakur and Wg Cdr Ashok Kumar of IAF.


Locally called 'Garud', the two-seat trainer is capable of take-off and landing on prepared as well as semi-prepared surfaces. The aircraft is powered by an 80 HP Rotax 912 UL2 aviation certified engine and can reach a maximum speed of more than 220 km/h, fly for more than 3 hours and climb to altitudes in excess of 6000 meters.

Safety features include a Ballistic Parachute Rescue System, which can lower the aircraft to ground safely, Energy Attenuation Seats and a Kevlar reinforced cockpit cell.

Contract stipulates to complete delivery of all the aircraft within a period of thirty months after the first delivery.

Currently Pipistrel is training Indian instructors and mechanics to maintain and fly the aircraft.The first batch of Engineers and technicians successfully completed their training on 22 July 2016.


↧

Russia's Nerekhta-2 Combat Robot To Be Presented in 2016

August 6, 2016, 8:30 pm
$
0
0

The Russian Nerekhta-2 combat robot's new capabilities will be showcased at a proving ground in late 2016, Deputy Director General for Advanced Research Fund told Sputnik.

MOSCOW — Nerekhta-2 will be equipped with a new type of ammunition and will be capable of tackling enemies larger and stronger than itself, according to Igor Denisov.

"We have chosen the Nerekhta platform as the most suitable for making a number of changes, this is a 'lab' for testing the most promising solutions for ground robots supporting combat operations, including in the city. I think we will show the Nerekhta's new capabilities at a proving ground at the end of the year. It will have an air component, there will be additional automation elements," Denisov said.

According to the deputy chief, the Nerekhta-2 combat robot will be part of Russia's future soldier equipment.

"The invisible part of the Nerekhta — its control system — is important as well. We are considering it as part of the 'future soldier' combat equipment. It is impossible to constantly improve the capabilities of a human being and putting on more armor, that way we will turn him into a walking tank. The fighter needs to have a personal assistant, a weapon carrier," Denisov told Sputnik.

Russian military robots will be tested at the sites of the Russia's Industry and Trade Ministry and the Nizhny Tagil's Salk landfill in Sverdlovsk region will be used for testing drones.

"We found the [Industry and Trade] Ministry's support for the creation of polygon bases for testing the air, underwater and ground robotic systems. First and foremost, that means the equipment of the Salk landfill in Nizhny Tagil will be used for testing the heavy class drones which weight about a hundred kilograms [220.5 lbt]," Denisov said.

According to him, the Industry and Trade Ministry's sites, as well as those belonging to the leading corporations, which are all equipped with all the necessary monitoring and security devices, will be used for the robots tests.

"We are also considering two offshore sites for testing underwater robots. This is quite difficult in terms of control, because those robots cannot really be tied by a string <…> Especially not those autonomous robots which will be solving combat tasks," Denisov added.

The Fund for Perspective Research was founded in 2013 to strengthen research and production of technology for the Russian military. The Fund is currently working on over 50 projects for which labs have been set up at the leading Russian universities and research institutes.


↧

What Bodos' Latest Attack In Kokrajhar Means

August 6, 2016, 8:30 pm
$
0
0

Security forces are searching the blast area in Kokrajhar


Two to four Bodo militants travelling in an auto-rickshaw opened fire and killed 13 people and left 14 others wounded in the busy Friday market of Kokrajhar in Assam on August 5. Indian Army, paramilitary forces and the police are jointly carrying out search operations to apprehend the other militants, who threw a grenade and set fire to shops before fleeing the scene.

Army jawans present on the spot shot dead one of the militants armed with an AK-47 rifle. Mobile phone recovered from the dead militant showed probably he belonged to the hard line faction - the National Democratic Front of Bodoland-Songbijit (NDFB-S), though the organization quickly disowned the attack. 

The Songbijit faction is only one carrying out insurgency now.

Songbijit Ingti Kathar, the military Chief of the NDFB, broke away to form the NDFB-S faction in 2012 as he was against holding peace talks with the government mooted by the NDFB leadership. He has expressed his determination to carry on the armed struggle for the creation of independent Bodoland in an interview in 2013.

In all likelihood, Songbijit is sending a strong message with the latest attack in Kokrajhar that he might be down but not out, as the group had been on a low profile since 2015. However, NDFB-S should not be ignored as it is known to have connections across the border with the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) faction and Kamtapur Liberation Organisation (KLO) holed up in Myanmar. The other two factions - NDFB (Ranjan Daimary) and NDFB (Pro-talks) are observing ceasefire pending peace talks with the government.

The NDFB is one of the three proscribed insurgent groups in Assam; it had carried out sporadic attacks in the region along the north bank of Brahmaputra for the creation of an independent Bodoland. During its peak period of militancy between 1992 and 2001, the NDFB violence had resulted in the death of over 172 security forces and over 1200 civilians, while NDFB lost 370 cadres.

Doubts have been expressed about the involvement of NDFB-S because the attack was carried out brazenly in the style of jihadi militants. Moreover, NDFB-S in the past had targeted only Muslims and Adivasis whereas those killed in Kokrajhar attack included six Bodos. But that would under estimating the possibility of Songbijit changing his tactics.

The NDFB-S is capable of vicious killings; it has been responsible for killing about 100 people in a series of attacks carried out in the same region in May and December 2014. In the May 2014 attacks alone it had killed 32 Muslims who had been its main target. 

It is easy to attribute the latest attack to intelligence failure. But that would be ignoring the complex environment prevailing in Assam as a result of over five decades of insurgency. The state has seen the rise of nearly 60 militant groups in this period; out of this seven are active at present. Thirteen groups are either observing ceasefire or involved in peace talks, while 36 other outfits have become inactive.

Kokrajhar is in the heartland of Bodo tribals who number around a million. The headquarters of the Bodo Territorial Area Districts (BTAD), an autonomous administrative unit of the Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC), created under the sixth schedule of the constitution, is located there. It was created in December 2003 after the state and central governments signed the Bodoland Accord with the biggest Bodo insurgent group -the Bodoland Liberation Tigers (BLT) in February 2003.

The BTAD covers the districts of Kokrajhar, Chirang, Baksa and Udalguri with a population of over three million people. It was created to fulfill the aspirations of Bodo tribals in habiting the neglected region to preserve their land rights and linguistic, socio-cultural and ethnic identity as well as to economically develop the region.

However, the creation of BTC did not satisfy the All Bodo Students Union (ABSU) and Bodo Peoples Action Council (BPAC) which had led a violent struggle for the creation of an independent Bodoland from March 1987 onwards. However, the creation of the BTC politically divided the Bodo community. The NDBF was a product of these divisions within the community.

The problems of the region are far from over although the BTAD's chief administrator Hagrama Mohilary was the head of the BLT militant group in the past. It had not been able to bring about the expected development in the region. The infrastructure development has not kept pace with the requirement of the difficult terrain crisscrossed by tributaries flowing into Brahmaputra.

The region has also been backlash against Bodo domination from other minority communities, particularly Muslims and Adivasis inhabiting the region. Muslims and Adivasis had raised their own militant groups to fight the Bodo militants; now they are observing ceasefire. This has enabled militant groups like the NDFB-S to survive and carryout sporadic violent activities.

It will be facetious to ignore the lingering insurgency problem in Assam. Unfortunately, despite all the lip service, the Northeast continues to be neglected and languishes on the periphery of the national mainstream. But things are changing now as many leaders with militancy background have joined mainstream politics in Assam. For instance, Naba Kumar Sarania, the independent MP elected from Kokrajhar, was a dreaded leader of the ULFA.

Unfortunately, we seem to forget that insurgency in the Northeast is a challenge not only to the state and central governments, but also the people of India as it is a vanguard to strategic security and remains our tenuous land link to Southeast Asia.


↧
↧

India Set To Ink Deal with Korean Yard To Build Mine Sweeping Ships

August 6, 2016, 8:30 pm
$
0
0
INS Kozhikode Pondicherry Class of minesweeper

India is on the verge of closing a deal with a South Korean shipyard to build 12 minesweeping ships locally, a project that is likely to cost more than Rs 32,000 crore.

The mine counter-measure vessels (MCMVs) will be built at Goa Shipyard Limited (GSL) in collaboration with Korean yard Kangnam Corporation under the government’s Make in India program.

Speaking exclusively to Hindustan Times, GSL chairman Rear Admiral Shekhar Mital (retd) said, “We are in the final stage of concluding the contract. It should be done in three to four weeks.”

INS Cannanore

The navy needs to fill gaps in its mine warfare capability. Its existing mine counter-measures force consists of six vessels bought from the erstwhile Soviet Union in the late 1970s. It requires 24 minesweepers. Mital said infrastructure was being scaled up swiftly at the shipyard to kick off the construction of the ships.

In December 2015, the defence ministry approved Rs 480 crore for infrastructure expansion to build MCMVs. Facilities are being created for construction of glass-reinforced plastic hulls. Such a design reduces the ship’s magnetic signature and allows for safer navigation through waters that may have been mined.

Mines are deployed to limit the enemy’s ability to use the sea. What makes these underwater weapons dangerous is that they can detonate on contact or be activated by magnetic and acoustic signatures. The ships will use mine hunting sonars to be supplied by French firm Thales, mine counter-measures combat management systems and sophisticated equipment to detonate a variety of mines.

Swedish firm SAAB will be involved in the project, possibly providing remotely operated vehicle-based mine hunting solutions.

The ships are expected to have 60% indigenous content. Mital said the South Korean firm was selected for the project as it was the only yard that met the navy’s requirements. Italian shipbuilder Intermarine competed for the project, too.

The construction of the first vessel is expected to begin in April 2018, with deliveries being completed between April 2021 and April 2026.


↧

Indian Air Force Has Now Started Flying Civilian Passengers Twice A Week In The Remote Andaman And Nicobar Islands.

August 7, 2016, 1:57 am
$
0
0

The air force has been working closely with the local administration on disaster management for a long time. Every year they receive multiple requests for evacuation of civilians during severe medical emergencies.

Indian Air Force has now started flying civilian passengers twice a week in the remote Andaman and Nicobar islands.

A Dornier 228 aircraft, flown by a crew of the Air Force, connects Port Blair with Car Nicobar and Campbell Bay — the two islands which lie further south in the archipelago.

Meant solely for use of defence forces, IAF aircraft fly civilians only during cases of emergency, but this is an exception. At present, aerial transport in the form of Pawan Hans helicopters is available to very few islanders in Campbell Bay.

Lt General A K Singh (Retd), Lt Governor of the union territory, said an extended Air India flight to Car Nicobar was withdrawn recently as the lease of the aircraft had expired after which they approached the Ministry of Defence and Ministry of Civil Aviation to improve inter-island connectivity.

“The Defence ministry has now given us the aircraft for civilian use. We are collecting the airfare from passengers and paying the air force some charges based on the number of flying hours. Our tickets are subsidised for islanders,” he told PTI from Port Blair.

The twin engine turbo-prop aircraft which can cruise at a speed of 200 knots can carry up to ten passengers.

Fitted with modern avionics, the aircraft is widely used for transport of air force personnel.

“The new aircraft is for the people but run by the administration of the union territory as it is they who do the bookings,” said Colonel Yogesh Sharma of the tri-service Andaman and Nicobar Command.

Sharma said by providing a much faster transportation alternative to the islanders it will add a new dimension to passenger traffic network in the Bay of Bengal islands.

The IAF Dornier takes one hour from Port Blair to reach Car Nicobar island from where Campbell Bay is another hour away.

The entire journey is about 300 km.

The air force has been working closely with the local administration on disaster management for a long time. Every year they receive multiple requests for evacuation of civilians during severe medical emergencies.

All airbases, airstrips and helipads in the chain of islands are under the control of the defense.

In the absence of adequate transport network, the new flight service has got an enthusiastic response from locals. The Lt Governor said improving connectivity and communication are the two biggest areas of focus for them.

He said they want to create a balance of air and sea connectivity and have therefore placed orders for buying new ships for various routes with the central government’s support.

From next year some of these ships are expected to start plying.


↧
Search

Pakistan Harvests The Grapes of Wrath In Kashmir Valley

August 7, 2016, 2:21 am
$
0
0
By sending Minister Rajnath Singh to the SAARC meeting in Pakistan, Prime Minister Modi wanted to project India as a responsible regional power willing to engage a difficult neighbor

by M.K. Bhadrakumar

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi recently sent Home Minister Rajnath Singh to a South Asian regional meeting in Pakistan to show that India is willing to engage a difficult neighbor and, in doing so, to bring about a calming effect on the acute ground situation in the Kashmir Valley still seething over the killing of a charismatic young militant leader by security forces. But Pakistan made a shrewd assessment of what India was up to and did not want to lose ground by engaging with New Delhi at this point. Rajnath’s Islamabad trip thus became a futile exercise which may fuel the mass upheaval and even bring down the Jammu and Kashmir government of which Modi’s party is a coalition partner.

The standoff in Islamabad Thursday between the visiting Indian Home Minister Rajnath Singh and his Pakistani counterpart Nisar Ali Khan hosting the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) meeting of interior ministers has no parallel.

They took diametrically opposite stance on the phenomenon of terrorism affecting regional security in South Asia. Rhetorical flourishes followed at the SAARC meeting. No surprises here.

But then, the two ministers went on to carry their mutual antagonism (radiating from their vitriolic mutual barbs over Kashmir issue) to an intensely personal level. The lack of minimal civil behavior was unique even by the yardstick of India-Pakistan diplomacy.

However, what remains a mystery wrapped in an enigma is why Rajnath Singh traveled to Islamabad at all when his presence at the SAARC event was not an absolute ‘must’.

To deconstruct the enigma, the beginning has to be made probably in a remote village known as Kokernag in the southern Anantnag district in the restive Kashmir Valley where on July 9 Indian security forces ambushed and killed a 21-year old charismatic militant leader by name Burhan Muzaffar Wani in circumstances that remain unclear.

For sure, there was a tip-off regarding Wani’s hideout, which led to the Indian security operation, but the enigma continues as to the ‘walk-in’ who passed on the intelligence.

Wani’s death turned out to be hugely consequential. A mass upheaval erupted over his killing. Nearly 50 people have been killed in the ensuing violence, and hundreds injured, and most of the Valley remains under curfew.

It is a ‘win-win’ situation for Pakistan. An iconic nationalist Kashmiri leader has been eliminated – and, with no blood on the hands of Pakistani agencies. Pakistani agencies may see an opportunity to rekindle the embers of the insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir that has been on the wane lately.

Equally, Pakistan can mount a diplomatic campaign drawing attention to the imperative need of international intervention to resolve the Kashmir problem.

Nonetheless, the real mystery inside the enigma – why Rajnath Singh, who holds charge of Jammu and Kashmir in the federal government, chose to travel to Pakistan at all at this juncture – needs some explanation.

Without doubt, it was a deliberate political decision, which could have been taken only at the level of Prime Minister Narendra Modi himself.

Putting pieces together in the jig-saw puzzle, a stunning sequence may explain the backdrop to Modi’s decision.

Principally, Modi’s decision was a gambit, bypassing established diplomatic channels, which led New Delhi to assess that an Indian overture reviving political contacts (‘dialogue’), which Pakistan has been keenly seeking, would be timely and advantageous. Pakistan would take note that Rajnath Singh is de facto number two in the Indian cabinet and a political heavyweight.

Modi’s smart decision can be deconstructed in three ways. Firstly, Rajnath Singh’s ‘bilaterals’ in Islamabad would only project India as a responsible regional power willing to engage a difficult neighbor. The Pakistani campaign to vilify India’s image internationally would, therefore, lack conviction.

Secondly, emanating from the above, an engagement with Pakistan will in any case be only symbolic, without involving commitments, and the option is always open to slam the door shut on downstream ‘dialogue’ if it becomes politically necessary. In sum, no harm would be done if Rajnath Singh parleyed with Pakistani leaders.

Ideally, any synergy created during Rajnath Singh’s visit could also help prepare the ground for Modi’s own historic visit to Pakistan for the SAARC summit in Islamabad (expected around November).

Modi choreographs his foreign-policy enterprises unfailingly with an eye on embellishing his standing in domestic politics. (The state of Uttar Pradesh with a big Muslim population of 40 million is heading for crucial provincial elections early next year.)

Thirdly, most importantly, the optics of India-Pakistan engagement could have a calming effect on the acute ground situation in the Valley. The ruling BJP is part of the coalition government in Srinagar and unless the upheaval subsides, the continuance of the set-up in power is in doubt.

Suffice it to say, Modi’s decision to despatch Rajnath Singh to Pakistan was fell-founded from different angles. But then, the best-laid plans can go awry vis-à-vis Pakistan, where there are multiple power centres.

Pakistan too made a shrewd assessment that at the present juncture, it actually stood to ‘lose’ by being seen as holding Rajnath Singh’s hands. Pakistan is disillusioned with Modi’s maverick record so far, suddenly springing into pro-activism and then inexplicably lapsing into extended periods of hibernation.

To cut a story sort, Islamabad has become evasive for a variety of reasons about ‘engaging’ with India at this point, but when this realization finally dawned on New Delhi, circa last weekend – that Pakistan would refuse to play ball – it was already too late, since Rajnath Singh’s mission to Islamabad was in the public domain by then for a week or more already, and calling it off would have been extremely damaging for Modi personally.

Simply put, India had no option but to go along with Rajnath Singh’s visit, knowing fully well that it would be a barren exercise. The damage control accent, thereupon, shifted to tough rhetoric with the Indian spokesman insisting that Rajnath Singh was not in the least interested in seeking ‘bilaterals’ in Islamabad, and that by visiting the lion’s den, his real intention was only to read the riot act to the host country in front of the regional audience that the SAARC event provided.

Quite obviously, it was a catastrophic misjudgement on the part of the Indian leadership to have handled the Pakistan policy in such a clumsy fashion. Sheer naivety regarding the uses of international diplomacy; gross misreading of Pakistani mind; lackadaisical approach to defusing the crisis in Jammu and Kashmir; propensity to use foreign policies to gain advantage in domestic politics – all these came into play here.

What lies ahead? Conceivably, it will take time for the Indian leadership to get over the bad taste in the mouth. Modi may mothball his desire to travel to Pakistan for the SAARC summit.

Of course, resumption of India-Pakistan dialogue is unlikely for the foreseeable future. India and Pakistan are bent upon highlighting the political and security crisis in Jammu and Kashmir on world forums.

Alas, the dismal outcome of Rajnath Singh’s visit to Pakistan may fuel the mass upheaval in Jammu and Kashmir. Amidst the gathering storms, the prospect of the tottering elected government in Srinagar collapsing at some point cannot be ruled out. And if that happens, a political challenge arises even more formidable than in the late eighties when the bloody insurgency in the Valley began.

Most certainly, the killing of Wani becomes a defining moment, playing into the hands of the Pakistani agencies who will now proceed to take advantage of the upheaval to breathe new life into the insurgency in the Kashmir Valley.

To borrow the chilling line from the Book of Revelation, the situation is ripe for them to thrust the sickle into the earth and gather the vine of the earth, and “cast it into the great winepress of the wrath of God”.

Ambassador MK Bhadrakumar served as a career diplomat in the Indian Foreign Service for over 29 years


↧

500 Arrested As Police Seeks To End Protests In Kashmir

August 7, 2016, 3:07 am
$
0
0

SRINAGAR: In a bid to end street protests, police have launched a massive crackdown against "hooligans and miscreants" in and arrested nearly 500 youth from across the Valley.

"In its continuous drive against hooligans and miscreants, 349 accused persons have been arrested in the Valley," a police spokesman said.

The spokesman said 122 persons have been detained under "prohibitory provisions of law".

More than 50 persons have been killed, including two policemen, and nearly 6000 others injured in the ongoing street protests in Kashmir since the killing of Hizbul Mujahideen commander Burhan Wani and his two associates in an encounter with security forces on July 8.

Initially, the authorities imposed curfew across the Valley to curb the protests but the strategy failed as more and more people took to the streets.

A senior police official said the security agencies are using video footage and photographs to pinpoint the "trouble mongers and instigators" among the protestors.

"We have deployed some personnel in uniform equipped with cameras for recording the incidents of stone pelting and pinpoint those instigating the protests during the analysis of the footage available," the official said.

He said once the accused person is identified, he is arrested "at an appropriate time".

However, the official admitted that many of the wanted youth are still at large as they are not staying with their families any more.

"They keep shifting from one place to another but efforts are on to nab them as soon as possible".

The modus operandi adopted by the security forces is to conduct nocturnal raids for apprehending the accused persons, a move which has come in for criticism from the separatist camp.

The separatists have accused the security forces of "harassing peaceful protestors" under the garb of maintaining law and order.


↧
↧

Desi Bofors Better Than Original One, Says Parrikar

August 7, 2016, 3:11 am
$
0
0
DHANUSH 155 mm Artillery Gun completed successful firing trials earlier this year at the Mahajan proving grounds
by Ajit Kumar Dubey

The Indian version of the controversial but battle proven Bofors artillery guns Dhanush is much better than the original howitzers in terms of its striking range and automated equipment, says Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar.

The Dhanush guns are being manufactured by the Ordnance Factory Board (OFB) based on the designs of the original Bofors Ag supplied to India in the 1980s.

"Special features of Dhanush guns are that it has 8 km more range than Bofors and is equipped with several other modern systems. We have already placed orders for 114 guns with the OFB," Parrikar said.

The other features which help the desi Bofors score over the original version include 'modified double baffle muzzle brake and a modified loading trough to accommodate Bi Modular Charge System (BMCS)."

The gun, a towed howitzer, with a strike range of 38 km, was developed by Ordnance Factory Board (OFB), Kolkata, after going through the design and voluminous documents, running into more than 12,000 pages, which were delivered to India under the first phase of transfer of technology as part of the Bofors gun deal in late 80s. At the moment, the army has been given six prototypes of the gun by the OFB for extensive user trials.

Meanwhile, the army will get a boost in its artillery as the government is also close to signing a contract with the US government for the supply of 145 M777 ultra light howitzers.

The procurement of the $750 howitzers was recently cleared by Parrikar at the meeting of the Defence Acquisition Council (DAC) by Parrikar.

As part of the contract, 25 guns will come to India in a fly-away condition, while the rest would be assembled at the proposed Assembly Integration and Test facility for the weapon system in India in partnership with Mahindra Defence Systems.

The Indian Army has been deprived of a new artillery gun since the late 1980s, when the Bofors scandal happened and India put a stop on all gun procurement from Bofors of Switzerland.

However, the gun performed very well during the 1999 Kargil conflict with Pakistan and hit the fortified Pakistani Army bunkers in direct-fire mode at high altitudes leading to the victory of Indian forces in the limited war.

After the scam, the Indian Army has tried on various occasions to buy new guns but at least four tenders were cancelled due to various reasons.


↧

Indian Journos Barred Even From Standing Outside Gates of SAARC

August 7, 2016, 11:30 am
$
0
0
Indian Journalists at Tribhuvan International Airport before the 18th SAARC Summit in Nepal

NEW DELHI: Indian journalists, who went to cover the SAARC Home Ministers' conference in Islamabad, had to face hostile Pakistani officials, who not only denied them access to the inaugural function but also barred them from standing at the entrance of the venue where their Interior Minister was to receive dignitaries, leading to tense moments.

The six Indian journalists, who were given visa to travel to Islamabad to cover the event, were flatly refused entry to the inaugural function, which was attended by Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif.

The Indian journalists then stood near the entrance of the where Pakistani Interior Minister Chaudhary Nisar Ali Khan was receiving the visiting dignitaries from SAARC countries.

As Pakistani media took position to capture the moment of Home Minister Rajnath Singh's arrival, Indian journalists too joined them. Immediately, Pakistani officials curtly told them to leave the place, saying Indian journalists were not allowed to stand even outside the gate.

When Pakistani officials asked Doordarshan cameraperson R Jayashree Puri and ANI's Ajay Kumar Sharma to remove their cameras, a senior Indian diplomat tried to intervene and protested.

The diplomat hotly argued that Indian journalists be allowed to be near the gate to capture Singh's arrival as Pakistani journalists, video and still camerapersons were present and freely taking shots. The Pakistani officials made it clear that the Indian journalists have to leave the place immediately, leading to a verbal duel between the diplomat and a Pakistani official.

The Pakistani official even directed some of his juniors to block the view of Indian journalists and soon the reporters and camerapersons were surrounded by several persons, apparently policemen in civvies, making it impossible for them to shoot anything.

This resulted the Indian journalists failing to capture the moment when Singh touched the hands of his Pakistani counterpart, a gesture short of a formal handshake, reflecting the growing chill in the ties between the two countries.

As per SAARC protocol, the inaugural statement by the host country is open to the media while the rest of the proceedings are in camera.

The Pakistani establishment was also circulating information in the local media that Indian Home Minister had visited washroom eight times to make calls to New Delhi when the conference was going on.

The fact is that the washroom was outside the conference hall and the Home Minister used it twice -- once before the formal ministers' meet started after he and his SAARC counterparts had made a courtesy call to Pakistan Prime Sharif and again when the meeting got over.

Besides, Home Minister Singh does not carry a cell phone even while he is in India and, whenever necessary, uses those of his aides.


↧

SU-30 To Test Fire Indo-Russian Missile BrahMos This Month, Target Firing By December

August 7, 2016, 11:30 am
$
0
0

NEW DELHI: The final tests for firing a nuclear-capable Indo-Russian BrahMos supersonic cruise missile from a Sukhoi SU-30 jet -- seen as a major force-multiplier for the Indian Air Force (IAF) -- is expected to take place by December. A drop test is scheduled for later this month, its manufacturer has said.

"We hope to conduct the drop test by 24th of this month (August)," BrahMos Aerospace CEO and MD Sudhir Mishra told IANS.

The drop test to validate the aircraft's missile release mechanism will be carried out at Rajashtan's Pokharan firing range. The final test is expected to take place in November-December against a decommissioned naval vessel in the Bay of Bengal.

"After the drop test, we will see if some refinement in the software and other systems is needed," Mishra said.

The test firing will study the impact of the launch on the aircraft and the missile's behaviour in flight.

An Su-30 integrated with the air version of the missile -- BrahMos-A -- flew for the first time on June 25 in Nashik. Since then, the missile has logged around 10 hours in the air without a hitch.

The Su-30, considered India's most potent fighter jet, was the choice for delivering the BrahMos missile as it has a titanium airframe and high-strength aluminium alloys fit for delivering a high-speed terrain-following missile.

The jet's aerodynamic configuration increases its effectiveness for carrying heavy loads and allows high angle-of-attack missions. This, combined with thrust vectoring, gives it practically unlimited manoeuvrability and unique take-off and landing characteristics.

According to sources, the modification to the fighter includes hardened electronic circuitry to provide a shield against the electromagnetic pulse of a nuclear blast.

Along with the aircraft, the missile was also modified. The BrahMos-A carries a reduced booster and fins for stability.

It can be released from a height of 500 metres to 14,000 metres. It free-falls for 100-150 metres, then goes into the cruise phase and finally the terminal phase at 15 meters.

The air version of the missile is also lighter than its sea and land counterparts.

While officials said any decision on deploying the BrahMos on other fighter jets will be taken after the Su-30 trials are done, there has been talk of developing smaller versions for the Indian Navy's MiG 29-K and the Rafale, 36 of which India is buying from France under a government-to-government agreement.

The proposal for integrating the BrahMos with the Su-30s was approved by the Cabinet Committee on Security in October 2012 and it was decided the IAF will get over 200 air-launched versions of the missile.

Some 40 jets are to be integrated with the BraMos missiles.

The Brahmos missile is a joint project between India's Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) and Russia's Federal State Unitary Enterprise NPO Mashinostroyenia (NPOM).


↧
Viewing all 87767 articles
Browse latest View live
Search